Challenge to the Supreme
Court: Can the U.S. Kill Iraqi Children Legally?
by Bert Sacks
“Imagine if a U.S. cruise missile were to land on a kindergarten and kill 165
children. Imagine now that it was launched knowing it would hit that
kindergarten, and further, that one of these missiles was launched at a
different kindergarten every day for a month. That's 5,000 children.
"To kill that many children as a matter of state policy would be
unspeakable. The American commander in chief would be condemned as a barbarian.
And yet, that is what the economic embargo of Iraq has done.”
This is from a Seattle Times editorial six years ago. For ten
years I have wanted to ask one very basic question: Not were the sanctions
barbaric. But were the sanctions legal? Could the U.S cause the deaths of
thousands of Iraqi children every month for years and do so legally?
I will finally get a chance to ask this of the U.S. Supreme Court in a petition
I’ll file this month.
I need to show what deaths occurred and why:
UNICEF reported
“there would have been half a million fewer deaths of children under-five [in
Iraq] during the eight year period 1991 to 1998.” The New
England Journal of Medicine explained: “The [Gulf War] destruction of
the country's power plants had brought its entire system of water purification
and distribution to a halt, leading to epidemics of cholera, typhoid fever, and
gastroenteritis, particularly among children.”
In 2004, Robert Fisk (British International Journalist of the Year seven times)
put it this way: “In other words, the United States and Britain … were well
aware that the principal result of the bombing campaign – and of sanctions –
would be the physical degradation and sickening and deaths of Iraqi civilians.
Biological warfare might prove to be a better description. The ultimate nature
of the 1991 Gulf War for Iraqi civilians now became clear. Bomb now: die
later."
Did U.S. officials intend this or understand it’d occur as a result of U.S.
policies? In 1991, USAF Colonel Warden (called the architect of the Gulf Air
War) said we bombed Iraq's electrical plants for “long-term leverage.” Another
Pentagon bombing planner stated more candidly: “People say, ‘You didn't
recognize that it was going to have an effect on water or sewage.’ Well, what
were we trying to do with [UN economic] sanctions --- help out the Iraqi
people? No. What we were doing with the attacks on infrastructure was to
accelerate the effect of sanctions.”
In 1998, Senator Craig of Idaho testified in a Senate hearing on Iraq
sanctions: “The use of food as a weapon is wrong. Starving populations into
submission is poor foreign policy.” In 1996, Madeleine Albright famously said
on national TV that the deaths of half a million Iraqi children were “worth the
price” – but that no child would have died if Saddam just complied with the
UN. But she contradicted her own
position and Secretary of State Baker in 1991 when he informed Congress, “UN
sanctions [would stay] in place so long as Saddam remains in power.”
No one can say that our government officials didn’t know what their policies
were doing.
In 1997, I traveled to Iraq to deliver medicine to desperately needy civilians.
In response, the U.S. government fined
me $10,000. I announced I’d refuse
to pay the fine. Several Seattle
attorneys offered pro bono support. Our case began in district court and then
to appeals court.
Despite widespread
notions to the contrary, it was not hard to show that U.S. policies
lethally targeted civilians, using famine and epidemic as tools of coercion,
violating international law.
But the courts declined to invalidate the U.S. embargo. According to the trial
court, provisions of the Convention on the Rights of the Child didn't count
because the U.S. (along with Somalia) hasn't ratified it. The Geneva Convention
is not “self-executing” so it doesn’t help me! And the Genocide Convention, which
was partially ratified, created no “substantive or procedural right enforceable
by law by any party in any proceeding.” Finally, the court ruled, if Congress
wants to violate customary international law it may do so and the U.S. courts
are powerless to stop it.
I hope the Supreme Court will decide otherwise. The issue is simple: there are
certain norms of international behavior – often called ‘jus cogens’ – that are
so fundamental to the rule of law that no nation may violate them. Genocide,
wars of aggression, war crimes, and crimes against humanity are among them. So
is the killing of 500,000 children to coerce a foreign government.
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